SLA and the Adult ESL Learner
Learning a second language can be influenced by a variety of individual
differences including: (a) personality, attitudes, and motivation (Ellis, 1997; Lalonde
& Gardner, 1984, as cited in Downey & Snyder, 2000); (b) language aptitude (Ellis,
1997; Carroll, 1985, as cited in Downey & Snyder); (c) anxiety (von Worde, 1998;
Horwitz, Horwitz, & Cope, 1986, as cited in Downey & Snyder); and (d) social and
psychological issues (Burling, 1981, as cited in Downey & Snyder). Since it is
known that adult learners bring a reservoir of life and educational experience to the
classroom (Knowles, 1980, as cited in Merriam & Caffarella, 1999), even though this
may be an assumption, it follows that these learners might also bring complex
psychology and multi-layered personalities to the learning of the new language, both
in the classroom and in the natural environment.
Personality can influence the extent to which the learner participates in
learning and practicing the target language (Ellis, 1997) and can profoundly affect the
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social aspects of learning and practice. For example, since language is a social
phenomenon, anxiety and the fear of risk can severely inhibit a learner from very
important social elements of language learning and practice (Crookall & Oxford,
1991, as cited in von Worde, 1998). The combined frustration, that is, the
expectation to be able to make progress combined with the lack of expected progress,
can have a negative effect on the quality of life of the immigrant ESL learner. The
result can be a barrier to success for the learner, and the learner can easily feel
increasingly marginalized from the culture she seeks to join.
Such social marginalization and associated lack of access to natural language
practice opportunities might be particularly frustrating for a woman (Burton, 1993;
Nyikos, 1990; Hart & Cumming, 1997; all cited in Wang, 1999) and that frustration
can compound the effects and causes of the perceived failure to progress. That sense
of failure can lead to shame and embarrassment and further inhibit the practical and
natural acquisition of the new language. The successful learner needs more than what
is inside her; she needs the willing participation of another person (Peirce, 1995, as
cited in Wang).
Interaction
Interaction is critical to the process of learning a second language. According to
Ellis (1999, as cited in Moss & Ross-Feldman, 2003), interaction contributes to second
language acquisition when individuals communicate, especially when they negotiate
meaning in order to prevent communication breakdown.
Moss and Ross-Feldman (2003) pointed out that research on interaction is
conducted within the framework of the Interactive Hypothesis, in which it is stated that
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conversational interaction “facilitates acquisition because it connects input; internal
learner capacities, particularly selective attention; and output in productive ways” (Long,
1996, as quoted in Moss & Ross-Feldman, p. 2). It is this dynamic process of interaction
that provides learners the opportunity to grasp the difference between their own use of
the language and correct use (Schmidt & Frota, 1986, as cited in Moss & Ross-
Feldman). It is the real-world practice that provides learners with the opportunity to
receive understandable input and feedback (Gass, 1997; Long, 1996; Pica, 1994; all cited
in Moss & Ross-Feldman) and to make changes in their own linguistic output (Swain,
1995, as cited in Moss & Ross-Feldman).
Motivation
Learning a second language is clearly a challenge that requires much motivation,
and for an adult immigrant, the challenges of learning the target language take on crucial
meaning. For example, failure, weaknesses, and difficulties in learning the new
language can have negative effects on: (a) employment and academic pursuits; (b)
social interactions and personal relationships; and (c) self-esteem (Comstock & Kamara,
2003; Schwarz, 2003). According to Moss and Ross-Feldman (2003), research on
improving learner motivation suggests that social factors such as learning environment,
group dynamics, and even a partner’s motivation, affect a learner’s attitude, effort,
classroom behavior and successful language acquisition (Dsrnyei, 2002b, as cited in
Moss & Ross-Feldman).
Clearly, motivation is a critical factor in adult ESL learning. Dsrnyei (2002a, as
cited in Moss & Ross-Feldman, 2003) identified motivation as “why people decide to do
something, how long they are willing to sustain the activity [and] how hard they are
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going to pursue it,” (p. 75). Ellis (1997) observed that motivation involves the attitudes
and affective states that influence the degree of effort that learners make to learn a
second language, and that it may vary dynamically depending on the context or task of
the language activity. While Ellis recognized four complementary types of motivation,
studies by Gardner (1985) and Masgoret and Gardner (2003, both cited in Moss & Ross-
Feldman) supported the theory that one particular type of motivation promotes
successful acquisition of the second language regardless of age. That is, integrative
motivation, learning the language in order to identify with and become a part of the
community that speaks the language. Ellis contrasted the integrative motivations of
those who are interested in the people and culture of the target language with those who
might be even more successful in learning ESL despite being less integratively
motivated or are motivated by a desire to stand up to and overcome the people of the
target language.
Another type of motivation is resultative, an energy that comes from the
experience of success in the language learning process that creates the drive to continue
(Ellis, 1997). Perhaps the primary type of motivation for most successful ESL learners,
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